Just outside the city of Ghazni in Afghanistan is the Buddhist site of Tapa Sardar overlooking the Dasht-i Manara plain along the ancient ‘Southern Route’. On a hillock are the remains of a Kushana-era (2-3rd century CE) monastery complex that was once known as ‘Kanika maharaja vihara’ or ‘the temple of the Great King Kanishka’.

Also found here was a colossal clay image of Goddess Durga, which shone an interesting spotlight on the pre-Islamic, Hindu heritage of Afghanistan.

For centuries, Afghanistan was at a crossroads between India, Persia, and China, and this created a unique confluence of rich material culture. While Buddhism thrived under the Kushana Empire, the ‘Hindu Shahi' rulers of Kabul and Ghazni were great patrons of Hinduism. The ‘Hindu Shahis’ (850–1026 CE) were two dynasties that held sway over the Kabul Valley (Northeastern Afghanistan) and Gandhara (modern-day Pakistan), during the early medieval period. While these kings referred to themselves as ‘Shahis’, the Arabs and Turks referred to them as ‘Hindu Shahis’ as they practiced Hinduism. The Hindu Shahis built a large number of temples and religious monuments in the Kabul valley and in the Gandharan region. Sadly, decades of wars and religious fanaticism have meant that this heritage has all but been destroyed. Even today, we know very little of the Hindu Shahis, the last Hindu rulers of Afghanistan.

Braving wars and terrorist threats, one organization that has been at the forefront of studying Afghanistan’s pre-Islamic and early Islamic history is the Italian Archaeological Mission to Afghanistan, currently administrated by the ISMEO (International Mediterranean and Oriental Studies Association) and closely associated with the University of Naples “L’Orientale”. It was the Mission that first excavated Tapa Sardar in the 1960s and ‘70s, briefly resuming its work in 2003. Facing grave threats, the Mission even contributed to the establishment of a new Museum in Ghazni in 2013, which was sadly destroyed in a bomb attack the following years.

In ancient times India was a huge stretch of land extending in the north up to Afghanistan. This is probably the reason why many artifacts of Indian origin have been discovered in these areas. In that series, we are telling you about a silver idol that has been found in Deylamann, Northern Iran. The inscription written on the idol read out the name of the Idol as Durga Mahishasurmardini.

This idol has been reported to be looted from Afghanistan during the latter half of the seventh century. The constitution of this idol gives us a brief look into the kind of silver items produced at that time. A couple of other Durga Mahishasurmardini figurines which are dating from 400 CE to 800 CE have been discovered in southeastern Afghanistan.

This brings to our notice that Afghanistan was probably a Hindu region in the pre-Islamic era. This idol bears an imprint of “Hadda classicism” combined with“Gupta sensuousness”. There is a chandrabindu on the head which reminds us of the connection it has with Lord Shiva.

This idol holds a striking resemblance to another figurine discovered under the Khona masjid. This second figurine is reportedly from the Post Kushana period. In its inscription emperor, Kanishka compares Durga Mahishasurmardini with his native goddess Nana. Below is mentioned the inscription mentioned along with the figurine.

Then King Kanishka gave orders to Shafar the karalrang [8] *at this . . . to make the sanctuary which is called B . . . ab, in the *plain of Ka . ., for these [9] gods, (of) whom the glorious Umma leads the *service here, (namely:) the *lady Nana and the [10] lady Umma, Aurmuzd, the gracious one, Sroshard, Narasa, (and) Mihr.

This shows that the Kushans played an important role in strengthening the ties with Afghanistan at that time. The kingdoms of Afghanistan resisted the efforts of the invasion by Iranian rulers for almost 20 years. The mountain tribes and their chiefs were able to stay strong against these invasions as compared to other countries nearby. In other words, we can also say that by fighting and delaying the Islamic invasion these Afghan rulers were also able to delay the invasion of India by a couple of years.

Interestingly, it gives new insights into the high-quality production of silver icons. Its provenance is taken to be in Eastern Afghanistan. It was looted during the Arab Muslim raids on the shahi and Zunbil kingdoms of Southern eastern Afghanistan in the latter half of the seventh century^[2]. Its provenance beyond the Hindu Kush is not surprising as archaeology attests to the presence of Durga Icons and worship in pre-Islamic Afghanistan. Arabs referred to the land beyond river Helmand in western Afghanistan as “Al-hind”. Arab Chronicles refer to the ruler of Helmand as “the king of  Al-Hind, who bore the title Zunbil”^[3]. Many other Durga Mahishamardini figurines(of primary marble) dating from c.400CE  to c.800CE  have been discovered in South-Eastern Afghanistan^[4] Kabul valley was strongly Hindu in religion during the Pre Islamic age. In the city of Kapisa alone, Xuanzang(c.630) talks about 10 Brahmanical temples and around 1000 aesthetics.

Xuanzang(c.630) relates that Kabul Shahis made donations of 18-foot silver images of buddha^[5]. The source of Shahi silver was the mines of panjshir^[6]. Our silver rhyton bears an imprint of “Hadda classicism” collated with a “Gupta sensuousness”^[7]. The crescent motive (chandrabindu/aad chand) on the forehead is reminiscent of Shaivite signs found elsewhere. Our silver rhyton could be compared to a figurine discovered under Khona Masjid in Surkh kotal^[8] The figurine is dated to the early Post-Kushana period and provides an iconographical model.

It is remarkable that in the Surkh Kotal inscription, Kushan emperor Kanishka explicitly identified Durga(Uma) with their native goddess Nana^[9].

Kanishka’s worship and identification of Durga with Nana is apparent in these lines of the inscription

Then King Kanishka gave orders to Shafar the karalrang ^[8] *at this . . . to make the sanctuary which is called B . . . ab, in the *plain of Ka . . ., for these [9] gods, (of) whom the glorious Umma leads the *service here, (namely:) the *lady Nana and the [10] lady Umma, Aurmuzd, the gracious one, Sroshard, Narasa, (and) Mihr.

Such synthesis and fusion lasted well into our times. The Goddess referred to as “Hingla devi” by Indic speakers is referred to as “bibi Nani(Nana)” by  Iranic speakers of Balochistan and Afghanistan^[10]. Thus, it seems that Kushans played a prominent role in sprouting up the trade routes, facilitating cultural as well as material contacts, and dispersing the worship of Indic gods into  the heartlands of  Afghanistan

It is striking that these minor kingdoms of Shahis and zunbils were able to provide stiff resistance to invading Islamic armies of saffarids and Arabs. It took the Islamic armies just 20 years to conquer all of Iran. By contrast, these kingdoms of Afghanistan resisted Islamic onslaught until Ghazni’s father Subutegin wrested Laghman(Afghanistan) from Shahi ruler Jayapala during c.990 CE. Not only that the Hindu Kabul Shahis withstood onslaughts by the mighty Arab empire(which extended from Spain to Talas in china) for over three centuries, the zunbils managed to raid westwards deep into the Arab territory of Nimruz^[11]

It has been argued by historians that the Hindu kingdoms of Kabul valley offered the best resistance to the Islamic kingdom because these mountain tribes and militant chieftains were harder to be conquered in comparison to the dehqani farmers of Iran^[12]
Whatever the reason, it is certain that Kabul Shahis by withstanding mighty Arab and Turkish onslaughts at the gateways of Al-Hind delayed an Islamic conquest of mainland India for a few centuries.

 Dr. Anna Filigenzi, is the head of the Italian Archaeological Mission to Afghanistan and a member of the Italian Archaeological Mission to Pakistan. Dr. Filigenzi spoke about the significance of the Tapa Sardar site, the forgotten Hindu Shahi dynasty, as well as the important role played by the Mission in the region since the 1960s.

What does the site of Tapa Sardar reveal to us about the pre-Islamic history of Afghanistan?

Dr. Filigenzi: Tapa Sardar seems to have enjoyed great prestige throughout its entire lifespan. This is clearly and unmistakably evidenced by its exceptionally prominent position concerning a vast landscape, the high level of its architecture and decorations, and certain features of its iconographic programs, such as the one mentioned above.

According to an inscription found on a pot at the site, Tapa Sardar was a royal Kushan foundation known as the ‘Kanika maharaja vihara’ (the temple of the Great King Kanishka). No doubt, the site remained a reference point for the ruling élites which followed one another and were probably used for ceremonies of great political relevance. The large-scale and grandiose renovation in the 7th/8th century CE following a devastating fire (we have no direct evidence that it was caused by an Arab incursion in the second half of the 7th century, although this might be possible) bear witness to the vital role that Buddhism continued to play in the area long after Islam started advancing.

The site certainly benefited from generous political patronage, which made it possible for it to avail the services of skilled and creative workshops. Thus, we may say that the site gives us the double opportunity to observe the development and changes in artistic trends from a privileged and long-lasting center of activity and, at the same time, to reconsider outdated narratives about the post-Kushan period.

Although the history of the Huns and their Shahi successors is still a matter of debate, it is clear that it did not mark a period of cultural regression. As archaeology tells us, Buddhist art was enjoyed under post-Kushan dynasties a period of renovated vigor and splendor. We start perceiving now the legacy left by artistic forms created during this period to Himalayan art, for instance. I am sure that future research will shed more light on such important phenomena of cultural continuity, opening new windows into the late pre-Islamic period and its innovative contribution to trans-regional histories.

Have there been discoveries at Tapa Sardar that tell us about its connections with other Kushana period sites such as Mes Aynak, Begram, and sites in South Asia?

Dr. Filigenzi: Actually, at Tapa Sardar (as elsewhere) the Kushan period is only partially documented due to later renovations which obliterated the earliest phases. However, in later periods, several points of contact have been detected among different sites such as Tapa Sardar, Tepe Narenj, and Mes Aynak, just to speak of newly excavated sites.

Leaving apart generic (and expectable) affinities, resulting from shared cultural and visual codes, mention can be made of precise and significant coincidences. For instance, at both Tapa Sardar and Tepe Narenj, in the 8th century ca., there were fire altars in secluded rooms, and traces of a colossal image of Durga killing the buffalo were also found at Mes Aynak. Furthermore, Mes Aynak yielded specimens of the same molded decorations as Tapa Sardar. Hopefully, these first pieces of evidence will lay the groundwork for new research agendas about the circulation of artistic models and the mobility of artisans.

While the spread of Buddhism in Afghanistan has been studied and is well known, what do we know of the worship of Hindu deities such as Durga, Ganesha, and Vishnu in pre-Islamic Afghanistan?

Dr Filigenzi: Buddhism seems to have been not only the hegemonic religious culture in pre-Islamic Afghanistan but also in the history of our field, a major focus of attention. Under such circumstances, we risk underrating other realities, especially concerning the period that, by and large, we can define ‘Shahi’. The Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang, who visited Afghanistan in the early 7th century CE, while speaking of Kapisa in the north-eastern part of the country, mentions the existence of several non-Buddhist temples and describes various types of ascetics: naked (most probably Jaina) and smeared with ashes, or wearing a chaplet of skulls on the head (most probably Shaiva).

Material evidence is still scarce and scattered but of such a nature that dedicated investigations would certainly reveal much more. For the time being, we only know a few marble sculptures representing Hindu gods from Afghanistan (Surya, Umamaheshvara, Ganesha, Durga) but also a Surya temple at Khair Khana. Hindu iconography was well-known in pre-Islamic Afghanistan and it was adopted by Buddhism as well. The Durga from Tapa Sardar is a telling case in point. Interestingly, although with differences imposed by the use of different media, the colossal clay image of Durga from Tapa Sardar follows the same model as the more or less coeval marble Durga from Gardez.

Obviously, individual marble statues could come from any context, but the recent discovery of a Hindu temple at Barikot (Swat, Pakistan) makes us realistically expect similar discoveries in the future in both areas. Unfortunately, the present situation in Afghanistan does not allow intensive archaeological activities, but, while waiting for a better future for Afghanistan (for the country and its people first, and not only for archaeology), we can meanwhile refine our plans and methods and re-formulate our research questions more inclusively.

Based on the available archaeological evidence, what do we know of the Shahi dynasty of Kabulistan and Zabulistan? Why is there so little material available on them?

Dr Filigenzi: Actually, we should start assembling all available evidence from the Shahi levels of excavated sites across Afghanistan and Pakistan. We might discover neglected information and, in any case, a clearer picture would probably emerge. For the time being, let’s say that material evidence supports the vague notions provided by the scarce (and later) written sources about the presence of ‘Shahi’ dynasties (and connected local rulers) across Kabulistan, Zabulistan, and areas of modern-day Pakistan. We are progressing slowly, but significantly.

As mentioned before, we know for sure, by now, that the period between the fall of the Kushan Empire and the establishment of Islam was not a ‘dark age’. The archaeological evidence speaks quite clearly. However, one may say that our historical knowledge is under construction. As for the scarcity of available material, I will try to explain this in more detail below.

The Great Stupa at the south-east corner | Italian Archaeological Mission

In your opinion, which is the most important archaeological site concerning the Shahi dynasty and why?

Dr. Filigenzi: I cannot mention a site that is the most important in absolute terms. If we expect to find something ‘purely’ or ‘unmistakably’ Shahi, in most cases our attempts will predictably remain frustrated. Several sites yielded evidence that is chronologically and culturally related to the Shahi period (coins especially, but also architectural remains and art pieces). Let’s start from this, and let’s forget, for the time being, labels such as absolutely Buddhist or absolutely Brahmanical to define this or that period and dynastic line.

Real life was certainly more complicated and nuanced. I would just mention two sites in Swat (i.e. the ancient Uddiyana, celebrated as one of the holiest lands of Buddhism, in modern-day Pakistan): Barikot and Tindo Dag. At Barikot, an imposing and most visible Brahmanical temple was built in the 7th century CE on the hilltop, in the period corresponding to the Turki Shahi’s rule. On the slope of the same hill, the remains of enigmatic buildings, dating to the Hindu Shahi period, were discovered. Most probably, they were religious in nature, but until further comparable evidence surfaces, we will not be able to identify their specific function and affiliation. If one day we will discover that they were neither Buddhist nor Brahmanical, I would not be so much disconcerted. Let’s keep an open mind about what we do not know or recognize yet.

As for Tindo Dag, a small and deep cave with a relief (to be dated to the 7th/8th century CE) depicting Surya and his retinue at the entrance, echoes a tale reported by al-Biruni about the new birth from the rock simulated in Kabul by the Turki Shahi Barhatakin, which we can interpret as a ritual act suggesting a homology between the king and the rising sun.

But what about Buddhism in Swat at that time? Was it declining? Maybe, or maybe not. Probably, its hegemony was challenged like never before by a raise of Brahmanism, and still, in the same period, the region witnessed the blooming of new and much influential trends of proto-Vajrayanic Buddhist art. That is to say that the Shahi political and cultural presence could hardly be attested by radical changes but has to be carefully sought within apparently unbroken continuity.

What do you think of the current research on the Shahi dynasty? Do you think we shall discover more in the next few years?

Dr. Filigenzi: Fortunately, the last decades marked substantial progress thanks to the combined efforts of archaeologists, art historians, numismatists, and historiographers. With regard to Kabulistan and Zabulistan, I would like to mention the works by Shoshin Kuwayama, Giovanni Verardi, Michael Alram, and Minoru Inaba, which started sharpening the focus, leading to ever-clearer research questions.

Thanks to the discoveries made by the Italian Archaeological Mission to Pakistan, a more defined picture of the Shahi period began to emerge in Pakistan as well. The Austrian FWF research project ‘Cultural Formation and Transformation: Shahi Buddhist Art and Architecture from Afghanistan to the West Tibetan Frontier at the Dawn of the Islamic Era’ (2018-2021), led by Deborah Klimburg-Salter, with Michael Alram as National Research Partner, is a positive sign of how things are moving forward.

Very often, the problem is the lack of direct written sources, which not only deprives studies of a useful tool of investigation but, a widespread academic bias towards literacy also it makes difficult for non-text-based histories to get recognition. This makes it all the more important to increase the collection of material evidence and apply to it its network analysis. However, archaeological data relevant to the study of this period, for their part, are not easy to acquire, due to different reasons.

As for Buddhist settlements, for instance, we have a better picture of the phases before the 9th century CE. The very last phases are instead insufficiently witnessed, either because of a general impoverishment of the Buddhist foundations or because they were directly affected by abandonment and decay. Besides, early Islamic buildings of great symbolic value might have willingly obliterated Shahi buildings of equivalent importance.

This seems to be the case, for instance, with the Ghaznavid mosque at Rajagira, the earliest mosque in Northern Pakistan and one of the earliest in the whole country. As for civil settlements, our knowledge is even more limited, often because of the phenomena of continuity. In urban centers such as Kabul, the old town is obliterated by the modern one and archaeological excavations are virtually impossible. Besides, the urban segment must have constituted a low – although influential – the percentage of the ancient population, but we know practically nothing about rural settlements and their economic and cultural contribution to the history of the country.

However, as I said before, to prepare for future advancements, we must start formulating new and original research questions based on a thorough assessment of what we have. As experience teaches, what we have can say much of what we lack and of how should we proceed.

Sculptures of a donor couple discovered at Tepe Narenj | Italian Archaeological Mission

Can you tell us about the Italian Archaeological Mission to Afghanistan, its work, and its aims?

Dr. Filigenzi: The Italian Archaeological Mission has been operating in the country since 1957. It was founded by Giuseppe Tucci, the then president of IsMEO (Italian Institute for Middle and Far Eastern Studies), in the framework of a broader research program that encompassed different areas, periods, and cultures of Asia and converged in the IsMEO Centre for Studies and Archaeological Excavations in Asia.

Since the very beginning, the Mission’s activities were thus framed within a comprehensive scientific pursuit and were fully committed to compliance with principles far ahead of the times. These were aimed, as stated in the official IsMEO bulletin, at ‘the solution of historical, philological, epigraphical, religious and artistic nature in a unitary conception of the culture of a people’ and at establishing correct practices, such as application of rigorous stratigraphic criteria, scrupulous documentation, use of the most appropriate technical aids, technological approach to the analysis and study of all types of finds, precise sense of responsibility for the preservation of monuments and artifacts discovered, and commitment towards processing and publishing the results of the Mission’s excavation reports and studies.

In accordance with these principles, the Mission started excavating and surveying both pre-Islamic and Islamic sites in the area of Ghazni, shedding light on previously unknown aspects of Afghanistan’s cultural history and its central role in creating and spreading artistic models throughout Asia.

Due to political events, the Mission suspended its field activities at the end of the 1970s and returned to Afghanistan in 2002. It soon resumed field work in Ghazni, its traditional area of activity, but in 2005, due to the continuing deterioration of the overall security situation, fieldwork had to be suspended once again. However, thanks to specific agreements with the Archaeology Institute of Afghanistan and in a concerted effort with the Italian Foreign Ministry and the Italian Embassy in Kabul, we are presently supporting local excavation programs.

In particular, two important Buddhist sites in the area of Kabul, Tepe Narenj and Qol-e Tut, were excavated in recent years under the aegis of the Archaeology Institute of Afghanistan and the field direction of Dr. Zafar Paiman, with the financial and scientific assistance of the Mission.

Despite the vicissitudes of history, studies went ahead uninterrupted and resulted in scientific publications based on both pre-conflict documentation and the data acquired from newly excavated sites.

I would like to stress here the importance of correct documentation procedures. Professor Roberta Giunta (the deputy director of the Mission and responsible for the Islamic sector) and I can be said to represent a new generation of scholars who first visited Afghanistan on the occasion of the post-conflict return to the country. However, our training could benefit from the careful documentation collected and filed by our predecessors, which, even after a long break in field activities, could take the form of scientific publications.

In this respect, worth mentioning are the volumes about the Islamic funerary inscription from Ghazni and the Buddhist caves of Jaghuri, by R Giunta and G Verardi, respectively, both published in the early 2000s and based exactly on the documentation collected during the 1950s through the late 1970s.

Thanks to the rigorous application of the principles mentioned above, it has also been possible, in recent years, to transfer the old analog documentation onto digital support and build an online archive that fosters knowledge creation and sharing: http://ghazni.bradypus.net/

To sum up, I would say that the Mission’s efforts have always been invested not only in the discovery and physical conservation of artifacts, but also in the preservation and interpretation of their intangible value, through documentation, study, and dissemination. The difficult post-conflict situation in Afghanistan and the consequent risk of the cultural isolation of the country make these efforts more crucial than ever.

Bibliography

• Martha L. Carter  Artibus Asiae, Vol. 41, No. 4
• Ibid pp.325
• Wink, Andre Al-hind: The Making of the Indo-islamic World V.1
• Collections of Kabul museum
• Beal, op. cit Vol 1 p.551
• Walker, A catalogue of Arab-Byzantine and post reform Umayyad coins, London 1956 PP.3
• Martha L. Carter  Artibus Asiae, Vol. 41, No. 4 (1979)
• D Schlumberger “De rhyton de Khona Masjid”(1971) PP.3
• Kanishka Inscription at Rabatak(Surkh Kotal) 10-11. Translation by Bactrian linguist Nicholas Sims williams
• DT Potts “Nana in Bactria”(2001) PP.23
• Wink, Andre Al-hind: The Making of the Indo-islamic World V.1
• R Frye, The Golden age of Persia PP.95-96
• sadhana108.com
• trueindology.wordpress.com
• peepultree.world/